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Oklahoma Indian Attorneys
By Dana Jim and Arvo Q.Mikkanen
These prophetic words were spoken by Chief Dan George,
Hereditary Chief of the Coast Salish Tribe,1 to an assembled group
in 1969. He spoke eloquently about how he saw education of tribal
members and the law as being the savior of Indian nations. About
that same time period, several Oklahoma Indian attorneys, including
F. Browning Pipestem (Otoe/Osage), Kirke Kickingbird (Kiowa), Charles
Tate (Chickasaw), John Ghostbear (Cherokee/Oglala Sioux), and several
others were graduating from Oklahoma law schools. These individuals,
among others, were to later make the very impact that Chief Dan George
envisioned, using the law as a tool to ensure tribal survival.
Introduction
Like the thunderbird, the sovereignty of American Indian nations
in the state of Oklahoma has, over the past 20 years, risen again
out of the remnants of the once strong tribal governments that ruled
in the Indian Territory in the 1800s and on this continent for thousands
of years before “discovery” by Europeans. The re-birth
of modern tribal sovereignty is largely a result of the efforts of
American Indian attorneys, most of whom graduated from law school
from the late 1960s to the present. While the rights of Indian tribes
to “make their own laws and be governed by them”2 may
for some appear to be a recent phenomenon, in actuality such authority
has deep seated precedents and legal underpinnings from before the
beginning of the federal republic. A significant challenge in educating
people about the modern exercise of tribal sovereignty is the inaccurate
belief that Indian governmental power, like the dinosaur or carrier
pigeon, had become extinct or somehow ceased to exist after Columbus
arrived or after the American colonies and states were organized.
Many of today’s legal practitioners forget
that Oklahoma’s
legal traditions are rooted in the histories of the Indian nations
that long pre-dated the state government. The geographic divisions
in the state, the various federal judicial districts, the land tenure,
and many other aspects of the state’s legal history are both
directly and indirectly related to the Indian tribal governments
and societies that were functioning long before the concept of, or
even the word “Oklahoma” ever surfaced.
The jurisprudential cornerstones of Indian law were formed with
the Cherokee Nation’s struggle over jurisdiction and authority
with Georgia state officials in the famous Cherokee Nation v.
Georgia3 and Worcester v. Georgia4 cases heard before
the U.S. Supreme Court. Yet, not until the efforts of various Indian
attorneys in the 1980s and 1990s, was the right given to the Cherokee
Nation, and other tribes in Eastern Oklahoma, to even have a tribal
court system confirmed. The role that American Indian leaders, judges,
and lawyers have had in the history of Oklahoma is a rich tradition...
one that has escaped the view of most jurists and scholars. While
this article is not a comprehensive examination of their contributions,
it does give an overview of the role of these individuals in the
development of this state’s legal systems.
Traditional Tribal Legal Practice of The Cheyenne and Cherokee
Legal practice among Oklahoma Indian tribes began long before statehood,
or even before the Land Run of 1889. Re-located in the western part
of Oklahoma from their traditional homelands in Colorado, Wyoming,
and Montana, the Cheyenne had a proud legal tradition that is most
notably illustrated in The Cheyenne Way, a book co-authored
by Professor Karl N. Llelwellyn and E. Hoebel. For instance, Professor
Llewellyn gives an account of a horse theft that occurred in Oklahoma
in the 1800s.5 In this case, the theft is perpetrated by a Southern
Cheyenne named Pawnee.6 As a result of this property theft, Pawnee
was punished by soldiers of his tribe and essentially sentenced to
remain on the prairie alone, without a horse or food.7 Later he was
found by a Cheyenne chief named High Backed Wolf who fed him and
helped him to regain his strength before questioning him.8 What follows
can be compared to a sworn deposition both in form and majesty:
High Backed Wolf then filled the pipe. As he held
it to the five directions he prayed, “This is my first good act as a chief.
Help this man to tell the truth.” Then he held the pipe for
me to smoke; then he gave it to the next man and to the others. Now
he faced me again. “Now you tell the truth. Have you been caught
by enemies and stripped? Or was it something else? You saw me smoke
this pipe; you have touched it with your own lips. That is to help
you tell the truth. If you tell us straightly, Maiyun [the Cheyenne
Supernatural] will help you.”9
After Pawnee admitted his actions, High Backed Wolf admonished him
and also informed him of the law. “You know how we Cheyennes
try to live. You know how we hunt, how we go to war:... Stop stealing.”10
While this may seem to some to be a simple lecture, it mirrors similar
admonishments which a judge could very well direct to a defendant
in any of Oklahoma’s courtrooms today: stop stealing or face
the consequences.
In the southeastern part of the United States, the Cherokee also
had early legal traditions well before arriving in the Indian Territory
in the 1830s following their removal during the “Trail of Tears.” In
his book, Fire and the Spirits, Professor Rennard Strickland
states that early Cherokee law was “the earthly representation
of a divine spirit order.”11
Furthermore, Cherokee law was intertwined with the
traditional tribal religion.12 In early Cherokee times, the law was
recited by a priest at an annual celebration wearing “the wings
of a raven in his hair.”13 Violation of the law could mean “being
brought before a tribal group much like a court, composed of the
seven clans [of the Cherokee].”14 If there was a legal violation
that “offended
community expectations,” then this violation would be heard
in village courts.15 Professor Strickland gives an account of an
early Cherokee trial as follows.
A Cherokee trial was essentially a matter of oath
saying. The accused was brought before the assembled officers.
The offenses against him were presented by a court prosecutor,
who was generally the chief’s
right-hand man. The court was free to question in any manner desired.
No “attorney” was allowed to represent the individual
on trial. There were no juries, and the counselors and court
did not act in that capacity but rather placed the accused upon
a sacred oath which required him to state his own innocence or
guilt.16
The same phenomena of Indian defendants appearing in today’s
tribal courts, waiving an attorney and essentially confessing their
conduct before a judge has sometimes puzzled non-Indian attorneys
or outsiders to the local tribal community. This practice, which
has been observed by many modern day tribal judges, may have its
origin in these long standing and deep rooted traditions of accepting
responsibility for one’s behavior or wrongdoing to get back
into “harmony” with the local tribal community. Indeed,
fully exercising one’s “rights” by feigning innocence
to force the sovereign to prove guilt, has been perceived by some
defendants to be counterintuitive to their desire to willingly accept
responsibility for their actions and to get the matter “behind
them” so that they can continue on with their lives in the
tribal community. Ironically, coming full circle, modern mediation
and “restorative justice” advocates are now looking back
to these ancient systems such as the traditional Navajo Peacemaker
Courts and other similar forums as a viable alternative to the expensive
and divisive adversary justice system operating in so many jurisdictions.
Traditional Court Practice in the Eastern Indian Territory
As contact continued with European settlers in the early 1800s,
the importance of traditional Cherokee religion on the Cherokee law
began to drift away.17 The Cherokees were in the process of modernization
after the Revolutionary War and those who led the Cherokees on this
path were largely members of the legal profession. As Professor Strickland
states, “A group of bright young men trained in the law were
drawn to the management of the business of the Nation. These men
believed that survival lay in acculturation rather than resistance
to change.”18 By 1820, the Cherokee Nation was divided into
judicial districts and provisions were made for “district courts,
judges, and officers.”19 Two years later, Cherokee courts were
required to “keep records of proceedings of all causes, evidence,
and decisions. “20 In 1829, construction of the Cherokee Nation
Supreme Court building began.21
Following the Trail of Tears removal to the west,
the Cherokees established a Supreme Court in the Indian Territory
in 1839, pursuant to Article V of their new constitution.22 Some
of the early leaders of the Cherokee Supreme Court were Justice John
Martin and Justice Jesse Bushyhead.23 According to Professor Strickland,
Justice Martin “set a pattern
of excellence in devotion, education, and personal training which
few who followed were able to match.”24 Justice Bushyhead arrived
at the Supreme Court from the Christian ministry.25 It was said in
1841 that Justice Bushyhead was “universally loved and respected.
His mere opinion in the Nation has great weight, and his persuasion
on any subject can win the people to his views. He is a fairminded,
sensible man and is the most successful to the native preachers.”26
In 1845, the Cherokee Nation Supreme Court House was built,27 and
it still stands today in Tahlequah, Oklahoma. It is interesting to
note that many of the practicing attorneys in the Cherokee Nation
did not desire to become a judge because judges were not allowed
to practice in tribal courts and were paid relatively poorly.28
Becoming a member of the Cherokee Nation bar in the mid to late
19th century consisted of paying a fee and reciting the oath.29 According
to Professor Strickland, there were several types of Cherokee Nation
bar members. First, there was the “elite” category that
consisted of Cherokee Nation attorneys “who practiced before
the Cherokee Supreme Court and in the Federal District Court.”30
These lawyers consisted of those who represented the tribe before “congressional
committees and were in the employment of railroads.”31 Another
level of lawyers were the “Cherokee-language bar.”32
These lawyers “appeared only before the circuit courts and
represented the full bloods.”33 Another group of lawyers were
called the “travelling Indian lawyer.”34 These attorneys “went
from court to court, picking up business at every stop.”35
The law practice of Stand Watie illustrates the part-time practitioner.
His practice consisted of “the routine collection of debts,
drawing of agreements, and general commercial considerations....”36
Not unlike these early practitioners, the tradition of the “traveling
Indian lawyer” continues today with many modern attorneys serving
as a judge for one tribe, a prosecutor for another, and a general
practitioner in the state and federal court systems - a practice
made possible and facilitated by the state’s modern highway
and turnpike system.
Tribal Court Practice in the Western Indian Territory
For the plains Indian nations located in the western part of Indian
raditional anglo-American courts, but the judges that were appointed
included prominent tribal leaders of the times. Indeed, one of the
first federally appointed Indian judicial officials from the western
part of the Indian Territory was Comanche Chief Quanah Parker. Chief
Parker served as a judge for the Court of Indian Offenses for the
Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache Reservation when the court was formed
in 1886. Several other prominent leaders served as judges of this
court, including Kiowa Chief Lone Wolf, and although appointed by
the local Indian agents, these judges dispensed justice that was
familiar to Indians of the time. For example, an Indian judge was
likely to punish a wrongdoer by making him pay remuneration consisting
of “a well broken pony” to the winning side in a dispute.
The Twilight of Tribal Court Practice in the Indian Territory
Practice in the Cherokee courts continued throughout the 19th century.
A newspaper in 1882 reported on the number of attorneys at the courthouse
as “lawyers on hand were more numerous than clients ... .”37
However, the role of tribal courts within the Cherokee Nation changed
significantly at the end of the century. In the 1890s and early 1900s,
the Dawes Commission acted to eliminate the “national or tribal
title” to the land of the various Indian nations.38 During
this time, Congress passed the Act of June 28, 1898, known at the
Curtis Act,39 which, among other things, brought the Cherokee tribal
courts to an end.40 Professor Strickland gives the following account
of the twilight of Cherokee Tribal practice.
“The clerk of the Cherokee Supreme Court noted on the ledger
pages for 1898 the absence of the three tribal justices. The record
book for that year opened with the miscellaneous federal orders closing
the Cherokee court; then the pages were blank.”41
So began the end of Cherokee Tribal Court practice. For almost 80
years, this judicial hiatus continued even though in 1936, the Cherokees
were allowed to continue tribal self-government “not expressly
extinguished by Congress” under the Oklahoma Indian Welfare
Act.42
In the western Indian territory, after the reservations
were opened up to non-Indian homesteading and non-Indian settlers
staked their claims to most of the reservation lands, over time the
funding for the Courts of Indian Offenses was eliminated from the
Indian agency budgets. The Courts of Indian Offenses were never formally
dissolved, but rather ceased to function due to the turmoil and upheaval
after statehood and the establishment of counties and towns in the
various reservation areas. So began the long period of ambiguity
regarding official tribal powers over the remaining allotted Indian
lands held by individuals and pockets of tribal land remaining in
the state.
The Re-birth of Modern Day Tribal Courts
The assumption that, after Oklahoma’s admission to the union
in 1907, the sovereignty or authority of tribal nations in the state
had been legislated away or somehow evaporated on its own continued
to be the belief of many people up until the 1970s. Indeed, one seminal
law review article described the inaccurate assumption that the powers
of Oklahoma Indian tribes were different from other Indian nations
as a “mythology” that had developed over the decades.
Indian attorneys F. Browning Pipestem and G. William Rice outlined
how tribal powers from pre-statehood days survived relatively intact,
despite the great loss of tribal lands through the process of allotment
and the opening of most of the original Indian Territory reservations
to homesteading, which left only small pockets of Indian land scattered
over most of the state.
One of the critical events in the re-birth of tribal sovereignty
took place following an Indian vs. Indian murder that occurred in
Caddo County on one of the remaining Indian allotments still held
in trust status. In that case, Judge Daugherty of the United States
Court for the Western District of Oklahoma, concluded that the offense
was one which did occur in Indian country and under the Major Crimes
Act, 18 U.S.C. §1153, was a matter of exclusive federal jurisdiction. United
States v. Littlechief, No. 76-207-D (W.D. Okla. Nov. 7, 1977),
followed and re-printed in State v. Littlechief, 573 P.2d
263 (Okla. Crim. App. 1978). Again, Oklahoma Indian attorney F. Browning
Pipestem provided the court the critical briefing which finally set
the legal record straight on the issue of tribal jurisdiction over
the millions of acres of remaining allotments and tribal trust lands
in western Oklahoma. Shortly after the Littlechief decision,
because there was a lack of state jurisdiction over misdemeanor offenses
committed by Indians against Indians, Indian attorneys and federal
officials worked quickly to put a judicial system in place. Ironically,
the regulations for the original Court of Indian Offenses that existed
prior to statehood still remained on the books, and in 1979 the Anadarko
court was re-established after some 70 years of being dormant.
The first Oklahoma Court of Indian Offenses was
established with four divisions, at Anadarko, Concho, Pawnee, and
Shawnee, providing law enforcement and judicial services for 19 Indian
nations in the western half of the state. Indian attorneys including
Philip Lujan (Kiowa/Taos), Ryland Rivas (Comanche), Vincent Knight
(Ponca), Browning Pipestem (Otoe/Osage), G. William Rice (Ketoowah
Cherokee), Rebecca Cryer (Citizen Potawatomi), Patricia Johnson (Kiowa),
Charles “Sonny” Chibitty,
Jr. (Comanche) and George Tah-Bone, Jr. (Kiowa) provided the backbone
of court operation in the early years serving as judges, prosecutors,
and public defenders in the fledgling court system. The Court of
Indian Offenses, which relied on the legal provisions of the Code
of Federal Regulations, or “CFR,” was often referred
to as the “CFR Court.” In addition, lay advocates and
paralegals also played a critical role in the early operation of
the court, and contributions of persons such as Frances Oheltoint
(Kiowa), Henry Ware (Kiowa) and Howard Goodbear (Cheyenne-Arapaho),
should not be overlooked. Students also assisted in the operation
of the court such as Arvo Mikkanen (Kiowa/Comanche) who served as
an assistant to the prosecutor at the age of 20 and later as judge
when he was 27, and Steven Jon Moss (Caddo) who served as a judge
while he was still a third year law student at Oklahoma City University
Law School.
Ultimately, the Courts of Indian Offenses for a number of tribes
were phased out, as tribal courts were established for tribes that
had sufficient funding for operations, beginning with the Pawnee
Tribe in the 1980s. Following the Littlechief case, Indian
attorneys such as Susan Work (Choctaw) litigated the legal status
of tribal courts in eastern Oklahoma resulting in the decision of Muskogee
Creek Nation v. Hodel upholding the rights of those tribes in
the eastern part of the state to have their judicial forums re-established.
Indian Attorneys’ Role in Providing
Services to the Public and Catalysts for the Development of Modern
Oklahoma Indian Law
One of the most significant forces in the development of Indian
law in Oklahoma, as well as a vehicle to provide services to tribal
members, has been the Oklahoma Indian Legal Services, or OILS, which
began in the early 1980s. OILS serves low income members and children
of Native American tribes throughout the state. OILS has played an
important role in the development of Indian law in Oklahoma by not
only bringing significant cases such as Housing Authority of
the Seminole Nation v. Harjo, 790 P.2d 1098 (1990), but also
by being a presence in the tribal communities for individual clients,
as well as being regular litigators in the tribal courts. Many of
today’s leaders in the Indian legal field currently either
work, or have worked, as a staff attorney for OILS or served on its
board of directors. The early executive directors of OILS such as
Vincent Knight (Ponca), Susan Work (Choctaw) and Leah Harjo Ware
(Muscogee (Creek) Nation/Yuchi), litigated important cases and forged
a viable and effective agency that has strengthened the operation
of tribal judicial systems.
Other significant milestones in the development of Indian law in
Oklahoma include the founding of the Sovereignty Symposium in 1988,
originally a collaboration between a non-profit organization named
Arrow Inc., the National Tribal Court Clerk’s Association and
the Oklahoma Indian Affairs Commission. The Oklahoma Supreme Court,
primarily under the leadership of Justice Yvonne Kauger, picked up
the ball and formalized the Sovereignty Symposium into an annual
national conference to provide a dialog between federal, tribal and
state officials about tribal sovereignty. Shortly thereafter, in
1989, the Oklahoma Indian Bar Association (OIBA) was organized, and
consists of Indian attorneys, non-Indian attorneys who practice Indian
law, court clerks, paralegals and law students with an interest in
federal Indian law. The OIBA remains one of the largest statewide
organizations of Indian attorneys in the United States. Within the
next five years, recognizing the importance of Indian law in everyday
practice, the Oklahoma Bar Association established a separate section
on Indian law.
The three law schools in Oklahoma have also been
instrumental in the development of Indian law, and a new generation
of Indian law practitioners, both Indian and non-Indian. In 1988,
under the leadership of then University President Jerry Walker, Oklahoma
City University Law School opened the Native American Legal Resource
Center, with Kirke Kickingbird (Kiowa) as director. The Center sponsored
numerous seminars on Indian law, established a clinical program that
has provided law students with credits for working in tribal courts,
Oklahoma Indian Legal Services and other agencies such as the Oklahoma
County Public Defender’s Office and the U.S. Attorney’s
Office. Additionally, through the efforts of OCU Law School Professor
Dennis Arrow, as editor, and Arvo Mikkanen, as associate editor,
the opinions of the tribal courts in the state were collected, compiled
and published into what has become the Oklahoma Tribal Court Reports,
which is now included on Westlaw and serves a model publication for
other tribal courts throughout the nation.
In 1990, Professor Rennard Strickland, of Osage and Cherokee heritage,
founded the Center for the Study of American Indian Law and Policy
at the University of Oklahoma Law School in Norman. The purpose of
the center is to “provide counsel to tribal, state, and national
policymakers as well as a forum for the interdisciplinary discussion
and resolution of problems facing native communities.” The
current director is law Professor Lindsay G. Robertson, who also
serves as Special Counsel on Indian Affairs to the governor. The
OU College of Law has also served as the home to the American Indian
Law Review. Founded in 1973, the journal serves as a “forum
for the presentation and analysis of developments in Indian law and
Indian affairs generally.” Additionally, the OU College of
law co-sponsors the Native American Constitution and Law Digitization
Project, which brings Indian constitutions and codes to the public
through the internet.
The University of Tulsa College of Law, located within the traditional
boundaries of the Muscogee Creek Nation, has also placed a significant
emphasis on Indian law. Beginning in 1990 it was the first law school
in the nation to offer an Indian law certificate program and is one
of a few law schools in the United States that offers an LL.M. in
American Indian and Indigenous law. The law school’s Native
American Law Center began in the early 1990s and the center’s
faculty publish and speak regularly in their areas of specialization,
and most are involved in the revision of Felix S. Cohen’s Handbook
of Federal Indian law, the premier legal treatise in the field. Like
OCU’s Native American Legal Assistance Program, TU allows students
to earn academic credit for working in tribal legal programs such
as the Muscogee (Creek) Nation Legal Services Clinic and for coursework
in the Geneva Institute of Indigenous Peoples Law.
Conclusion
Today, Oklahoma is home to 39 tribal governments that have formal
federal recognition. Many of these tribes have functioning tribal
courts, with their own codes of laws, admission requirements, standards
of ethical conduct, and reported opinions. Through the efforts of
Indian attorneys in the state, Oklahoma tribes have re-emerged as
viable and important catalysts for economic development, employment
and growth in the state, contributing an estimated $10 billion to
the Oklahoma economy annually.43 Moreover, by providing services,
resources, and employment to the Indian population and others, tribal
governments have been important partners to state and local governments.
Accordingly, the importance of tribal sovereignty and the necessary
understanding of tribal courts will continue to increase for the
average practitioner.44
Indian lawyers, both past and present, represent an important part
of, as well as continuation of, one of Oklahoma’s oldest legal
traditions. To properly recognize their current achievements, it
is important to remember the path these individuals have traveled
from their ancestors’ council houses, longhouses, lodges and
tipis, to the modern tribal courthouses, council chambers and boardrooms
of today. Not unlike the excitement connected with the 100th year
celebration of the Oklahoma Bar Association, speaking for most Oklahoma
Indian attorneys we echo Dan George’s words... for with the
continued survival of tribal sovereignty, “so shall the next
hundred years be the greatest in the proud history of our tribes
and nations.”
Dana Jim (Cherokee/Navajo) is a private practitioner in Shawnee
and serves as Oklahoma Indian Bar Association secretary.
Arvo Q. Mikkanen (Kiowa/Comanche) is assistant U.S. attorney
and special assistant for Tribal Relations, U.S. Attorney’s
Office, Western District of Oklahoma. He serves as Oklahoma Indian
Bar Association president.
1. Chief Dan George is probably best known for his writing and acting
careers. His most famous role was the aging Chief “Old Lodgeskins”,
opposite Dustin Hoffman, in “Little Big Man,” for which
he received an Academy Award nomination as Best Supporting Actor
in 1970. 2. Williams v. Lee, 358 U.S. 217 (1959). 3. Cherokee Nation v. Georgia, ____ U.S. _____ (18____). 4. Worcester v. Georgia, 31 U.S. 515 (1832) 5. See K.
Llewellyn & E. Hoebel, The Cheyenne Way 6-9
(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1983). 6. Id. at 6. 7. Id. at 7. 8. Id. at 7. 9. Id. at 7-8. 10. Id. at 8. 11. See R. Strickland, Fire and the Spirits 11 (Norman:
University of Oklahoma Press, 1975). 12. Id. at 12. 13. Id. at 11. 14. Id. at 24. 15. Id. at 25. 16. Id.
17. Id. at 54. 18. Id. at 120. 19. Id. at 207. 20. Id.
21. Id.
22. History of the Cherokee Indians, Emmet Starr, p. 292. 23. History of the Cherokee Indians, Emmet Starr, p. 292. 24. See Strickland at 156. 25. Id.
26. See C. West, Tahlequah and the Cherokee Nation 1841-1941
(Muskogee: Muskogee Publishing Co., 1978). 27. Id. at 21. 28. See Strickland at 156. 29. Id. at 123-124. 30. Id. at 123. 31. Id.
32. Id.
33. Id.
34. Id.
35. Id.
36. Id. at 124. 37. Id. at 141. 38. See F. Prucha, the Great Father 258 (Lincoln and Lincoln:
University of Nebraska Press, 1986) 39. See F. Cohen, Handbook of Federal Indian Law 782 (1982
ed.) 40. Id.
41. See Strickland at 175. 42. See Cohen at 783. 43. State of Oklahoma - Year 2003 Ed., Oklahoma Indian Nations Information
Handbook, p. 18. 44. Territory, the federal government established systems of justice
that were modeled after
Oklahoma
Indian Attorneys
Published 75 OBJ 58 (September 11, 2007) |